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Canada’s Voluntary Grocery Code Lands With a Whimper

Canada’s Voluntary Grocery Code Lands With a Whimper

2026: A Year of Magical Thinking on Grocery Prices

Canada’s Grocery Code of Conduct will come into effect on New Year’s Day. If you didn’t know, you’re not alone. Its impending arrival did not produce any grand announcements, political pre-positioning or media curtain raisers beyond a few mid-December explainers lost in the noise of the Christmas holidays.

Considering the Code was conceived in the glare of political klieg lights, its arrival will be less a premiere than a matinee few care about.

To understand the contrast between conception and delivery, you have to cast your mind back to 2021, when, with food prices surging and consumer anger boiling over, grocery chain CEOs were hauled before parliamentary committees for a public grilling.

It was in that environment that the idea of a voluntary Grocery Code of Conduct was advanced as a possible answer to high food prices, greedy retailers and whatever else might be on Canadian’s minds when they went to the grocery store.

The problem is not that a Code was proposed as a possible solution – other countries had also tried it. It was that it’s proponents decided to eschew lessons learned elsewhere and opt for the same failed model other had walked away from.

Today it’s easy to see that the Code, coming as it did in the midst of consumer and political anger with spiraling grocery prices, was primarily designed to quiet consumer angst by punting a political and reputational problem down the road.

In fairness to its proponents, the Code as a standalone measure was never meant to drive down the price of food. But it was supposed to address the kind of market inequalities that contribute to price inflation and had consumers clamouring for government action. On that front, it fails the grade.

This failure is not accidental. in fact, it was wholly predictable.

The Code is the product of more than two years of negotiations supported by the federal and provincial governments and involving retailers, suppliers and other food-chain stakeholders. In the end, the outcome produced a familiar outcome: in a voluntary process where participation by large grocery chains was essential, their economic clout carried the day.

Properly designed, the Code could make a real difference in addressing the imbalance of economic power between dominant grocery chains and the growers who supply them. But that would require a dispute-resolution system capable of addressing systemic behaviour. Instead, the Code relies almost entirely on individual suppliers bringing individual complaints and does nothing to balance the commercial playing field.

In fact, as it is currently designed, the power imbalance that contributed to much of the geregious retailer behaviour that came to light in public hearings five years ago is baked in.

And let’s not kid ourselves, that’s not a glitch of the current Code, it’s a feature – likely the price of bringing and keeping large retail interests around the table.

Public policy is generally built on the assumption that people and institutions behave rationally. Unfortunately, in the case of the Code, it appears to have been replaced by magical thinking.

Consider the Code’s value proposition from the perspective of a fruit and vegetable grower. Even accessing the dispute-resolution process requires becoming a member of the Office — learning a new set of rules, paying dues, and navigating an unfamiliar system before a single issue can be raised. Filing a complaint requires time, legal resources, all to challenge a buyer that may represent a vital market outlet.

Simply put, for growers, the potential upside is uncertain, the remedies are limited, and the commercial risks such as delisting, are real. For a grower operating on tight margins and in a hypercompetitive environment, the cost-benefit calculation is straightforward: the costs are immediate and tangible, while the benefits are hypothetical at best.

Seen through that lens, the expectation that individual growers will use this system in sufficient numbers to drive meaningful systemic change is not just optimistic — it is fundamentally misaligned with how people actually run their businesses and manage risk. For most growers, the rational response will be to opt out of the Code.

That matters because the most serious problems in the grocery supply chain are not isolated misunderstandings. They are patterns of behaviour repeated across regions and commodities, affecting dozens or hundreds of suppliers at once. Yet the Code offers no meaningful way to address those patterns or fix the underlying problems with the system.

Other countries have already tested this voluntary model and opted for more stringent mandatory rules.  

The United Kingdom and Australia both began with voluntary grocery codes built on individual complaints and soft enforcement. In both cases, early optimism gave way to the same conclusion: without credible enforcement powers and the ability to address systemic conduct, those codes delivered limited change. They were strengthened only after experience proved that goodwill alone does not alter behaviour in highly concentrated markets.

During hearings before the House Agriculture Committee last October, defenders of the current model urged everyone to “give it a chance,” suggesting things would work out differently here. That belief rests on the idea that Canadian companies will behave in ways their U.K. or Australian counterparts did not.

With apologies to Joan Didion, when it comes to grocery retailers, 2026 should not be a year of magical thinking. With grocery costs again top of mind for Canadians, the Government of Canada has a choice. It can fix the Grocery Code’s structural flaws now, or wait years for multiple reports to confirm what international evidence has already made clear: Voluntary codes that bake-in market dominance do not work.

 

 

NEW TRANSPORT MINISTER BRINGS CLEAN SLATE TO AIRLINE PANDEMIC RELIEF NEGOTIATIONS

NEW TRANSPORT MINISTER BRINGS CLEAN SLATE TO AIRLINE PANDEMIC RELIEF NEGOTIATIONS

It is likely that there was more to last week’s surprise cabinet shuffle than just some pre-electoral housekeeping triggered by the decision of the former minister for innovation Navdeep Bains not to seek re-election.

Considering the growing clamour over air service cuts that are leaving communities — in Atlantic Canada and elsewhere — isolated from the rest of the country, a more likely explanation is that the prime minister also saw in his minister’s decision an opportunity to break a political logjam that threatens the Liberals’ election prospects.

Transport Minister Marc GarneauThe shuffle’s marquee move was the shift of former foreign affairs minister Francois-Philippe Champagne into the vacated innovation portfolio with former transport minister Marc Garneau replacing him as Canada’s top diplomat.

Rounding out the cabinet shakeup, Winnipeg MP Jim Carr returned to cabinet as special representative for the Prairies and Mississauga Centre MP Omar Alghabra replaced Mr. Garneau as transport minister.

While the appointment of a new minister of foreign affairs who would be expected to reset the Canada-US relationship got top billing, it also served to overshadow the fact that the changes would help the government reset its relationship with Canada’s air transportation sector.

Given the storm brewing in a number of communities that find themselves without air service, the latter relationship may be of more immediate political importance to a prime minister who has been openly speculating about an early visit to the polls.

For months, Canada’s airlines and airports had been pleading for help navigating the turbulence from a pandemic that has cut their revenues by over 80 percent.

But early optimism that like other national governments, Ottawa would step up to keep the industry from collapse, finally ran out of runway last November.

Industry sources say that a relief package had been promised by the former minister, and when it failed to materialize in the government’s fall economic update, many felt abandoned by the government.

Since November 30 when finance minister Chrystia Freeland delivered the government’s economic update the situation has only become more worrisome for the air transportation sector.

In the last two weeks alone, Air Canada and WestJet each slashed more domestic capacity, laying off almost 3000 more workers and leaving communities such as Gander, NL; Sydney, NS; and Fredericton, NB without any air service.

In that context, the appointment to the transportation portfolio of an affable but low-profile MP with no cabinet experience surprised observers.

But lost in the shuffle was recognition of the political value of a minister coming into a tough new job without having to check any baggage at the gate.

Unlike his predecessor, who many in the industry had come to view as an unreliable interlocutor, the new minister arrives with a clean slate on which to map a way out of a crisis that threatens to ground Canada’s airline industry and isolate dozens of communities.

The former transport minister’s bumpy relation with Canada’s aviation sector predated the pandemic and he was known more for his acerbic and sometime provocative public statements about air carriers than for being a champion for the industry.

His tendency to frame publicly — if not necessarily view — the resolution of commercial aviation issues and policy disagreement as a kind of zero-sum game left little room for meaningful negotiations and compromise.

The new minister on the other hand will enter into negotiations with air carriers unencumbered by any such personal baggage.

Carrying a clean slate will not only help the minister in talks with the industry, but it will help him and the government in selling to Canadians an assistance package that, given the scope of the crisis, will come with a hefty price tag.

For five years, Mr. Garneau played stern paterfamilias to Canada’s air carriers with the gusto worthy of a method actor.

Delivering a comprehensive and long-term assistance plan for Canada’s air transportation sector would have been against type for Mr. Garneau.

Mr. Trudeau recognised that.  Steeped in the art of the theatre, he gave that role to someone else.