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AI: Rome Asks the Question Ottawa won’t

AI: Rome Asks the Question Ottawa won’t

The Carney government’s new digital safety legislation — the Safe Social Media Act — is a step in the right direction. Ottawa now acknowledges that digital technologies can cause real harm and require public guardrails.

But it would be a mistake to view this week’s announcement as the last word. If anything, it should mark the beginning of a national conversation.

The federal government’s AI Strategy and its online safety legislation reveal a blind spot that must be addressed in the way Canada is approaching this technological revolution.

Over the last three weeks, Ottawa unveiled two relatively coherent digital policy frameworks. The first focuses on AI adoption, productivity, economic competitiveness, skills development, investment and digital sovereignty. The second focuses on risk: child safety, harmful content, exploitation, cyberbullying, problematic online behaviour and platform accountability.

Both matter.

But what remains unanswered — and unacknowledged — is a third question: how will our institutions, communities and democratic culture adapt to a technology capable of fundamentally transforming the flow of information, the exercise of judgment and the very forms of civic participation upon which democratic life depends?

This question is far from theoretical. And it’s one that Ottawa doesn’t seem prepared to entertain.

For more than a decade, social media has transformed the Western public square. Algorithmic polarization, emotional amplification, fragmented narratives and the weakening of shared informational authorities have all contributed to undermining our relationship with a common reality.

Artificial intelligence does not arrive in a vacuum. It enters an ecosystem already shaped by business models that reward outrage, emotional escalation and attention capture.

The danger is not limited to misinformation, disinformation or toxic content. It also lies in the gradual isolation of individuals within increasingly personalized information environments. Ever more sophisticated systems are already learning to anticipate our preferences, validate our biases, flatter our emotions and present us with the content most likely to capture our attention.

The threat is not merely deception, error or manipulation. It is the gradual erosion of a shared conception of reality itself  — the common ground that makes democratic life possible.

A society cannot remain cohesive when its citizens increasingly inhabit isolated and personalized versions of reality.

It is precisely here that Pope Leo XIV’s recent encyclical on artificial intelligence deserves attention.

By dedicating his first major encyclical Magnifica Humanitas to AI —  and by releasing it on the anniversary of Rerum Novarum, the influential text through which Leo XIII confronted the social upheavals of the Industrial Revolution — the Pope is sending a clear signal. He views artificial intelligence as something far more consequential than a technological innovation.

The parallel is not accidental.

Rerum Novarum was not primarily about machines. It was about their human, social and political consequences — how a technological revolution was transforming work, communities, institutions and the conditions of collective life itself.

One can reject the Church’s religious foundations outright. But it would be a mistake to dismiss the question the encyclical raises: what becomes of a society when the technologies that structure information, attention and collective judgment increasingly escape civic control?

Where Ottawa primarily sees issues of innovation, adoption, safety and economic competitiveness, the Vatican is asking what AI means for human dignity, social cohesion and the conditions that make collective life possible.

The Carney government deserves credit for beginning to address some of the risks associated with digital technologies.

But the central question is not simply how to make artificial intelligence safer for one demographic or another. It is what kind of common world we can preserve — or build — as these systems become increasingly powerful intermediaries between citizens and their understanding of reality.

If the social media revolution taught us anything, it is this: the most profound consequences of a technology are often the ones we discover too late.

It should be telling — and troubling – for Canadians, that Rome, rather than Ottawa, has chosen to place those broader social questions at the centre of its reflection on artificial intelligence.

Tomorrow’s Fiscal Update: Show-me Time for Carney

Tomorrow’s Fiscal Update: Show-me Time for Carney

The federal government’s economic update tomorrow is unlikely to deliver major surprises. Most forecasts point to a largely unchanged fiscal trajectory: a still-elevated deficit, limited fiscal room, and little space for significant new initiatives.

But that does not make this update routine, at least not politically.

Coming as it does on the anniversary of its election, for the Carney government, the question this mini budget should address is not where the government is heading. It is when will it begin to demonstrate that the choices made since last April are producing tangible results.

Over the past several months, Ottawa has rolled out a series of major commitments. Increased defence spending to meet NATO targets. Accelerated infrastructure plans. A new federal vehicle to boost housing construction. Temporary measures to cushion the impact of rising energy prices.

Today’s announcement of a $25-billion sovereign fund to support major national projects fits squarely within this pattern. Framed as a tool to attract private investment and accelerate nation-building infrastructure, it adds to the government’s economic toolkit. But as with several recent initiatives, key questions remain around how it will operate, what projects it will prioritize, and when its effects will be felt.

Taken together, these initiatives form the backbone of the government’s economic agenda. On paper, government’s strategy is ambitious. The harder question is what it is actually delivering. Up to now, Mr. Carney’s approach has generated more heat than light.

On housing, for example, recent analysis from the Parliamentary Budget Officer suggests that new federal measures may have limited impact on the number of homes available in the near term. At the same time, several existing programs are set to expire, which could reduce overall federal spending in this area over time.

In infrastructure and defence, the headline numbers are large, but details on specific projects, timelines, and economic impacts remain incomplete. So far, the effect is more visible in financial commitments than in day-to-day reality.

Even the fiscal outlook itself is shaped in part by factors beyond the government’s control. Some recent economic data have worked in Ottawa’s favour, without being the result of policy decisions. Conversely, higher oil prices may boost revenues in the short term, while also increasing costs for households.

In this context, most economists expect Canada’s fiscal position to look much the same as it did in the fall. The deficit, which exceeded $78 billion, is likely to remain largely unchanged. More importantly, Ottawa’s capacity to absorb new shocks appears increasingly constrained.

This is where tomorrow’s update will be tested.

Which spending decisions are producing measurable results? Over what timeframes? At what cost? And how do they affect the government’s fiscal capacity in the event of further unexpected shocks?

These are not abstract questions. They go directly to the credibility of the government’s economic strategy at a time when fiscal room is tightening and expectations remain high.

So far, Ottawa has focused on direction: strengthening domestic capacity, reducing economic dependencies, and supporting households through price volatility.

The update will need to go further. It will need to clarify expected outcomes, and show how recent commitments are beginning to translate into real effects for Canadian families.

If it cannot, the risk for the Mr. Carney and his government is not only fiscal. It is political.

Over the past year, Mark Carney has built a reputation for competence, discipline, and command of complex economic challenges. His brand credibility is now his central political asset.

But as announcements accumulate and fiscal constraints tighten, that reputation will increasingly be tested against a simple standard: results.

If those results are slow to materialize, the gap between expectations and outcomes will no longer be a matter of perception. It will become a test of political credibility.

In the current economic and political environment, that is a test the government cannot afford to fail.